Sunday, September 7, 2008

Mwai Kibaki, the President

President Mwai Kibaki has always had a very successful career as a politician. He is the only Kenyan politician who has contested and won every parliamentary election since independence. By the time he retires from active politics, he will have been in Parliament for half a century. He has been everything in the world of Kenyan politics—MP, Assistant Minister, Minister, Vice President, Leader of Official opposition and President!

A career so long and so successful has, expectedly, drawn all sorts of analyses. There are those who argue that fate and luck have always conspired to hand him more than he deserves. To them, he has not sacrificed enough for most of the positions he has held. But then in politics, just like in sport, who doesn’t need luck?

On the other hand, there are those who insist that beneath the veneer of disinterest and ambivalence is a skillfully calculating politician who understands very well the battles to fight and those not to. He has always been presenting his case to the people and according to them, all power comes from God and legitimate authority on earth comes from the people.

A friend of mine, an avid supporter of the President, recently recounted to me the behind the scenes negotiations that President Moi spearheaded in the 1998/1999 period while trying to craft a quiet succession plan. According to him, the first step was to lure Michael Wamalwa into killing his party and joining KANU. The Kanu think tank considered Wamalwa a poor man who, with the promise of a couple hundred million shillings, would be all too willing to play ball. That almost succeeded had it not been for the fierce opposition voiced by Party MPs James Orengo, Musikari Kombo and Mukhisa Kituyi. The second plan was two-fold; Talk to both Kibaki and Raila Odinga and convince them that Moi was willing and ready to build his political world around them with Kibaki on top of the ticket. Mark Too was tasked with approaching Raila while both Njenga Karume and Paul Muite were to approach Kibaki. While Raila Odinga played along, Kibaki is said to have sat quietly as the Kiambu delegation made their case about how their community had suffered in the opposition and how badly they needed him at that moment. Kibaki’s response-----‘Stick with the opposition. I have worked with Moi long enough and I know him well’. Whether that was insight or plain disinterest is hard to tell.

We all know that Kibaki has always been an eminent economist and a committed public servant, but what really is his legacy as President? How has he handled the two halves of democratic reform (political and economic) so far?

Economially, the President has, by and large, steered the country in the right direction. Approximately, average annual revenue collection has tripled under his watch and that has enabled Kenyans to fund most of their development projects without so much of external aid.

The free (I would rather call it affordable) primary school education program will always remain his biggest achievement as President. Inasmuch as the program has not been 100% successful, it has changed the lives of so many Kenyan children. President Bill Clinton, in an interview with Peter Jennings in 2004, mentioned Kibaki as the one living person he would most like to meet and thank for his government’s abolishment of primary school fees. It may not mean much to those of us who never considered primary school fees a headache, but to that family that lives under a couple dollars a day, that means the world to them.

The CDF program has also been a success. The mere fact that we are able to construct cattle dips, dispensaries, schools and even colleges without the need for fundraisers is a major step forward. The idea of the CDF makes a lot of economic sense because regions (constituencies) are able to prioritize development goals and buy that which they need most.

But the biggest problem still remains corruption. Mega scandals like the Anglo leasing have been such an embarrassment. A reduction in official corruption has enabled the government to collect more revenue and do with very little foreign aid, but a startling failure to wipe it out completely has also meant that we have not lived up to our potential. The abetment of corruption is responsible for the meager salaries that civil servants, policemen and teachers continue to earn.

As much as this President wants to be remembered as the one who put Kenya’s economy back on track that is going to prove really hard if, in his own words, corruption doesn’t cease to be a way of life.

When it comes to political reform, President Kibaki has been a stark failure. To this end, he can only be credited with promoting press freedom and expanding the democratic space. Unlike the KANU era when Moi, for a quarter century, kept a lid on political dissent by maintaining a permanent state of emergency, now people can say whatever they want without looking over their shoulders. Police harassment of opposition politicians is a thing of the past. But Kenyans can also remember that it was his own wife who terrorized innocent journalists, slapping them and asking them stupid questions in the middle of the night. The President never saw it fit to issue an apology. His lieutenant, John Michuki, with the help of Armenian terrorists, presided over the most barbaric attack on any media house in recent history!

President Mwai Kibaki promised Kenyans a decent agreeable constitutional document within 100 days of his assumption of office. It has now been more than 2000 days and that promise continues to be a pipe dream. You cannot talk of any meaningful political reform if the constitution that guides you is a hoax. It is the very renege on this promise that is responsible for last year’s disputed election. It is the reason why, in some people’s minds, he is not the legitimate President of Kenya.

I also do not think the President can claim to have overseen meaningful political reforms when almost half of those sitting in his cabinet are characters with dubious pasts. Whatever reasons he has them in government and not in jail are, to me, not buyable.

As far as I am concerned, President Kibaki has been good for the country economically but awful politically. Which begs the question; which one comes first-the economy or the politics? And can we really have both? The way we want them?

Sunday, August 24, 2008

Of Watergate Politics, Machiavellianism and Outright Dictatorship

This weekend, we were treated to some very embarrassing revelations about politicians spying on others. Vice President Kalonzo Musyoka is apparently being stalked by Prime Minister Raila Odinga. The man being used in this game is billionaire legislator and drug-dealer, John Haroun Mwau. The game involves paying individuals working for the Vice President and his surrogate, Hon Mutula Kilonzo to leak political secrets to the prime Minister’s side.

This is not the first time this is happening. Last year, the Odinga campaign employed the same dirty tricks against Kalonzo. They hacked his campaign website and redirected all traffic to their own. They even went ahead to attack his foundation’s website after breaking into the physical offices and making away with computers.

Some people within the Odinga camp will argue that this trickery is within the permissible radius of political hard- tackling. The truth, however, is that this is sheer corruption. Someone who aspires to be President should understand the need for upholding not just integrity in the conduct of his political life, but also the appearance of the same. This kind of politics is no different from the Watergate shenanigans that led to the impeachment of President Richard Nixon. It is neo-Watergate politics at play.

When Hon Raila and his people descend to this level of despondence in their pursuit of power, the question that comes to mind is: What do they want to do with the power? Why should we not be apprehensive of the ODM ringleader when his modus operandi is defined by such archaism?

It is this apprehension that has led colleagues of Raila Odinga’s to publicly question the motives behind this runaway Machiavellianism;

PNU nominated Member of Parliament and Ford Kenya chairman, Musikari Kombo, last year warned Kenyans of an individual he called One Dangerous Man. This was not something out of the blues. We had been severally warned before of how we should never let some people come close to power for the obvious reason that they may never know what to do with that power besides abusing it.

Cyrus Jirongo was more blunt; “Raila is confused….and it goes to show these ODM people should never be allowed to come close to state power.”

ODM presidential running mate, Musalia Mudavadi, on his part warned of the reincarnation of Idd Amin Dada. This was after he was subjected to some strong-arm tactics which he eventually succumbed to and agreed to live in political submission.

It is easy to dismiss some of these sentiments as the usual political rhetoric, but since Raila Odinga has found his way to some executive power of sorts, it would be proper for us to highlight some glaring examples of abuse of power;

After the formation of the Grand Coalition Government, some Members of Parliament started a crusade seeking to be allowed to form an opposition caucus in Parliament. Prime Minister Raila was opposed to this move. To be fair to him, his fellow party leaders, President Kibaki and Vice President Kalonzo were similarly opposed. But the distinction was how each voiced his opposition.

While Kibaki urged MPs not to grumble for not being appointed ministers because they could ‘become ministers tomorrow’, Kalonzo hinged his argument on the need to preserve and protect the new-found cohesion in Parliament. Raila on the hand, told his party MPs that such a move would ‘deny him a majority in Parliament’ (And he repeated this in Kitale yesterday); a majority he would seriously need to sabotage government projects in the event things do not go as per plan.

But it did not stop there. He went on to remind them that they could lose their seats if they attempted to regroup themselves as an opposition outfit. That was a shameful threat especially when you consider that he had used the same MPs to install what he considered to be a user-friendly Speaker. In the name of fairness, why should Members of Parliament be threatened by an individual who has changed political parties more times than anybody else in Kenya? Do we need to remind anyone that he himself had been elected on a Narc ticket in 2002 before forming an LDP opposition within government? This LDP ‘wing of government’ went on to be converted to ODMK and then ODM. I don’t recall him seeking a fresh mandate in between these defections. Where he got the moral authority to lecture people on these matters, I do not know.

The Prime Minister a couple of weeks ago kicked off a campaign to have judicial officers sign the kind of performance contracts civil servants sign. This is another classical case of dictatorship. Everybody understands that there should be a clear separation of power among the three arms of government. The executive’s attempt to lord it over the judiciary is quite frankly, draconian. It is an expedient attempt to pack the judiciary with puppet officers. In the same way Members of Parliament cannot be answerable to the executive, the judiciary shouldn’t.

While supporters of the ODM will always be quick to defend their party leader (It is typical of the haphazard way the ODM conducts its politics), the objective mind will acknowledge that he has often times acted in improper fashion.

Monday, August 18, 2008

Nilionchanga Musungu Leo Pwana!

In my first week in Europe, there was a matter of grave concern that required utmost and urgent attention. Maybe, it is important for you to understand the circumstances that made the issue extremely important with a brief glimpse into my past.

I was born on the hills of Ematsi, not far from Emabungo. I was a proud member of the Bunyore clan. As a young boy, I ruled the path-ways from Ematsi to Ebusakami, Luanda, Maseno and Lela. My grasshopper hunting skills were legendary back then. Then, my dad became a prophet in Dini ya Msambwa – the only true religion – and we had to move to Steni Kisa. He tried teaching the local ignorant people Elijah Masinde’s 20 commandments and the fact that all other religions were false. The people of Steni Kisa had a problem understanding that the teachings of the Christian sects were based on pure hearsay. There was stiff competition from these almost criminal Christian gangs who called themselves Friends of Kamusinga. My dad used to tell my mother about these religious liars, who were misleading Luhyas away from His Almighty: Elijah Masinde. Then my dad heard another voice from His Highness, Worship and Lord. The voice told him that he should pack and move to Shamakhokho where God Masinde’s children yearned for His voice and message.

So, that is where I grew up and later joined Angola-Musumbichi. Al Qaeda is nothing compared to Angola-Musumbichi. But I’ll leave that for another day. In all my travels in Kenya, from Ematsi – Shamakhokho- Nairobi, I sampled only African girls because I had no choice. Then I landed in Europe, and that changed everything.

The Ghanaian who sub-let a corner of his room to me did not waste time. On my first day in his room, he asked me,
‘Have you tasted a white woman, oga?’
‘No,’ I answered. ‘I just arrived in Europe, oga’
‘If you no taste white woman yet, you still are in Africa o. Go out get woman and you can come fork her here’
‘Where can I get one?’ I asked.
‘White woman very easy o. Just go to street corner and tell any that passes by, ‘I want fork’

I took his advice and walked to the nearest street corner. There were many women passing by. Some held hands with men, others fellow women. Some walked alone, but in great haste. About five times, a woman came by that I liked and wanted to go to bed with. And each time, I hurriedly widened my sheepish grin, stepped out into their paths, extended my hand, opened my mouth, but no word came out. My tongue stuck to my teeth, my grin disappeared, sweat appeared on my nose and my hands got wet. I was angry that there was no bush nearby – then I could have done it Shamakhokho style. In Shamakhokho, if you see a girl or woman you really like, you simply drag her into the bush and have fun. No talking. No coffee. No flowers. No gifts. Anyway, I digress.

A police car passed slowly by twice. The cops rolled down their windows each time and looked at me keenly. I had no interest in talking to cops. Back then, I thought they wanted a bribe. Given the refusal of my tongue to enter into a Grand Coalition with Bado Jnr, I gave up my hunt and decided to take a walk instead. Passing by a public library, I decided to go in. I inquired whether I could use the internet. I was shown to the internet section.

‘Please help me.’ I told the middle-aged fat woman. ‘Do you know a website where I can meet local women?’

She thought for a moment. Then, she walked off to another woman who was arranging books on the shelves and engaged her in conversation for a moment before coming back.

‘Try sms.ac’

Noticing I was completely lost, she pulled a chair, typed in the web address and helped me make a profile. I went to the library everyday, logged into my account and sent sms to women around the city. I made a few regular contacts but wasn’t interested in any of them. The messages they sent to me were almost always similar. Things like:
‘I want to meet you big boy. I want you to rip me apart with your big huge snake’

I do not know what ate my snake when I was a kid. The thing is: it never grew. I am an adult, and it is still slightly shorter than my small finger. When it is called, it disappears into my body. So, the least I wanted was a woman interested in a huge snake.

In my third week in Europe, I met this huge fat woman on the internet. It turned out that we lived on the same street. We met at a cafĂ© for coffee and then she asked me to accompany her to her place. She wasted no time undressing. Good Lord Masinde – she was like 10 Big Daddies tied together.

‘I’ve always fantasized about sleeping with a black man with a big big ….’ she started. Before she could finish, I was opening the door. Before she could say, ‘Msambwa’, I was running down the stairs. I ran all the way to the shared room and screamed to my Ghanaian room-mate:

‘I tasted a white woman today oga!’ Then I grabbed my phone and sent the following sms to my best friend Wakoli who worked as a teacher at Kakamega primary:

‘Nilionchanga msungu leo pwana. Na pachero pia nimenunua’

Rampant Blues

Love them or hate them, Chelsea Football Club has continued to silence critics. This is a revolution in the making; a truly efficient, talented and hardworking footballing unit.

Over the last five years, the Blues have accumulated more points than any other team in the English league. There has not been a corresponding credit though. It is not hard to figure out why.

The 2008/2009 season began yesterday with colour. As usual all eyes were on Man United, Chelsea, Arsenal and Liverpool. You may wanna throw Tottenham Hotspurs in there if you dream. But the real war will definitely be United against Chelsea. My bet is on Chelsea not just winning it but winning it easily---probably in the fashion of Jose Mourinho’s first full season.

Portsmouth was mercilessly shredded today, but that’s not even important. What are important are the belief and the drive in this Chelsea side. And the depth of the squad. They have, undoubtedly, the best midfield in world football. Frank Lampard leads this department. He is assisted by Michael Essien, John Obi Mikel, Michael Ballack and new signing, Deco. If that is not awe then tell me what is.

The John Terry-inspired defence is not too shabby either. It is water-proof on any good day. On the attack department, Nicholas Anelka has, over the last few days, proven that if Didier Drogba is injured or just having a bad day in the office, he is willing to take over the operations of that department responsibly. A combination between the two in their best forms is even too good to imagine.

Which brings me to my prediction; they will not just win the Premier League, but also the Champions League. But I have been wrong before.

P.S; Long live Obafemi Martins and Shay Given.

Thursday, August 14, 2008

The Politics of Change

Every election time, politicians come around with very sweet sounding rhetoric. Traditionally the world over, it has been the same script of ‘ better roads, better schools, water for everyone, higher standards of living, affordable healthcare’ and so forth. I recently listened to Barack Obama talking about broken bridges across the United States that need fixing using the money that so inexplicably goes to Iraq. It is the name of the game.

Necessitated by the uniformity of these messages, some clever politicians introduced sufficiently ambiguous rhetoric; things like promising to bring back a sense of national pride, bringing people together and all that kind of crap. Woven into this discussion is the notion of change too (the kind that you can believe in, see or even Xerox. Some talk of change that is real).

People like fantasy and that is why this kind of rhetoric works like a magic pill.

Bill Clinton, easily one of the greatest presidents of the United States, used this argument of change to turn the tables against a sitting President who only months before the election was enjoying an unprecedented 90% approval rating, a President who was fresh from leading the country into sweet victory in the first gulf war. He gave hitherto unheard-off promises like allowing gays and lesbians in the military (something that turned out to be a gross mistake). His promise of a ‘new different America’ was pure charm.

Did he live up to his promise? Well, it depends on how you want took at it. One thing we all agree on is that no President had received a blowjob in the oval office before. That’s definitely change.

The 21st century face of change is of course Barack. He has done stuff no one would have ever imagined and this is all attributable to the same argument of change. We cannot pass judgment on him because he is yet to be elected, but a look at those being touted as likely cabinet members in an Obama administration points to another gimmick in the making. People that served in previous administrations continue to be the nerve centre of his campaign. At what point Bill Burton underwent a complete makeover, nobody knows. Bill Richardson and John Edwards, the same old politicians will supposedly help Obama deliver change to Americans. On that one, time will tell.

Back home, we have been treated to this gimmickry as well.

On 12th December last year, President Mwai Kibaki promised Kenyans what he called a “clean-hands” government. That is definitely high sounding. But this is a President who had been in power for five years. This is a President who had flatly refused to stand up for principle and tell economic criminals like Prof. George Saitoti that there was no room for people with questionable backgrounds in his cabinet. Some would have read betrayal in that, but then again it would have sent a clear message about a President truly committed to a different order, a new order. He did it again this year and he will do it again.

Then there is the face of change in Kenyan politics, Raila Amolo Odinga. I will not talk about his very well documented personal involvement in crime and duplicity, but I will talk about his team members. Hon Raila calls himself “an agent of change”. Let us look at some of his fellow ‘agents of change’;

Otieno Kajwang, a man whose name was stricken off the list of Advocates of the high court for petty crime, is Raila Odinga’s idea of a perfect immigration minister, after all the waragi he took at Makerere, just like conning legal clients, did not stand on his way to prominence!

Henry Kosgey, the man credited with bringing down the Kenya National Assurance through out-of-control embezzlement of funds is the man to bring industrial change to Kenyans. William Ruto, Dalmas Otieno, William ole Ntimama and the other guys would, after all, be there to lend support. They have actually shown a very concerted commitment towards this end over the years.

Then there is my party leader, Hon Kalonzo. During the Presidential debate that never was (he is the only candidate that showed up), he said this in response to a question; “……and this is going to come in the form of real change”. That made me cringe. Sir, did you not serve a backward regime for ten years?
I love you, man, but please don’t lie to me.

It is all about change that never was, change that will never be. It is all pandering!

Tuesday, August 12, 2008

The ODM's Concept of Democracy

My understanding of true democracy tells me that people should be given a free will to elect their leaders and in the event that their choices lose, then they should concede defeat, congratulate and embrace the winner and respect the choice of their opponents. Losing graciously not only earns you respect, it gets you more admiration.

Like I have said elsewhere, no one can really tell who won last year’s polls. That election was pretty much a split decision and it actually doesn’t make a lot of sense dwelling on it. This uncertainty has been compounded by the seeming incompetence of the Electoral Commission and the security forces.

Now because this is about grace and civility, I will not rub it upon the disciples of the ODM that they lost, or at least that some evidence suggests they did so fair and square. That, I will pass for now. I will, however, point out that the chief embarrassment was how they reacted to the announcement of the results by the body that is solely constitutionally mandated to announce the results.

The usual way of handling conflicts is through the discourse of the court. No one should buy the crap that the compromised nature of our court system stopped them from seeking justice there because this same party filed the highest number of parliamentary petitions by any one single party in the history of our multi-party electoral politics. Considering the ODM gave the handling of the parliamentary and local authority elections a clean bill of health, this high number of petitions not only points to a party acutely reluctant to concede defeat, it also shows an inexplicable level of double standards. No wonder they are doing absolutely nothing to bring sanity to the courts if they truly believe the courts dance to the whims of the executive. They are not only occupying a central position in government, they also control the legislature. Why the lull?

Come the by-elections. When the PNU coalition lost the Wajir seat against all reasonable expectations, their candidate hugged and congratulated the winner. He promised to do everything he could to help the elected opponent in his bid to make the constituency better. PNU and its partners, of course performed dismally in Emuhaya and Ainamoi and they accepted the verdict of the voter. The ODM’s reaction to the losses in Embakasi and Kipkelion, on the other hand, was not surprising. Their Embakasi candidate declared herself the winner and then proceeded to court. Kipkelion was blamed on negative ethnicity as if this was not ODM’s prime principle—as if this is not what keeps the party going.

Yesterday, we were treated to the same old defeatist antics once again. The same party marauders who stopped the tallying of votes in Kamukunji in December were at it again trying to intimidate everybody. The returning officer and the winning candidate were called all kinds of names. People threatened violence and were it not for the heavy police presence, there would have been serious bloodshed.

Which brings me to the questions; when are this party and its omnipotent caudillo ever going to lose a fair contest? When are they ever going to acknowledge the rationale behind competitive politics? Are they ever going to learn to respect the fact that their opponents can also get the better of them? Are they willing to upgrade their understanding of democracy?

My conclusion which is in actual fact a belief I have always held is that the ODM does not defend its members; it preys on their ignorance and vulnerability. It does not stand for democracy; it perverts democracy. It desires not to free its members from political bondage; it desires to imprison its members within its own fascist, unorthodox and utterly misplaced conception of democracy.

But then again, even Machiavelli would have appreciated all this!

Monday, August 11, 2008

I Go Put A Punch On Your Nose O!

After my Master’s degree from K.U., I was fortunate enough to land a well paying job (by Kenyan standards). Unfortunately, there wasn’t a single day I was even mildly interested in the job. For me, it was a means to an end. And the end was to save enough money, boost my bank statement, and happily jump into the swelling brain drain flood. After four years of careful planning and saving, I had a bank statement that could impress any Western embassy in Nairobi. To get out, I applied for a Master’s degree in one of the European countries, got my student visa, jumped on the plane, and landed in Europe.

During my preparation to leave Kenya, I had cultivated contacts in the city I had chosen as my new home. I knew only one of the contacts at personal level. I got to know the others through the ‘a-friend-to-a-cousin-to-an-aunt’ informal type of networks. Months before my travel I called these guys almost on a daily basis and ran up a huge bill on my home phone – which I didn’t mind – for I had no intention of paying it anyway. My plans were to pay all the bills I would run abroad. My simple rule was: Once out, there is no back.

I noticed a certain change in attitude as soon as I informed my ‘buddies’ that I had acquired a visa and had already bought my air ticket. Suddenly, most of them didn’t want to answer my calls anymore. I left messages on their answering machines but never got a call back. Using the networks mentioned earlier, I was able to get the physical address of one of the guys who had seemed the friendliest. So, I packed a few Tuskers (having heard they were rare) jumped on the plane and was in Europe. Planning to give my new found ‘friend’ a surprise visit, I took a taxi to his ‘apartment’. Boy was he wide-eyed and amazed when he opened the door bell and found me outside wearing my big sheepish grin. A bit confused, he welcomed me coldly. There were about 8 others who lived in the same apartment. He had a small room which he shared with two of his relatives.

He gave me the rules of the game:

1.I had to find myself a job, but he was quick to add, the best job I could hope to find was as a cleaner. I could also raise a few buck collecting bottles on the streets and taking them to recycling machines, he added.

2.I had to find a place to stay really quick, but he added it was very difficult for a black to find one. Whites highly distrusted blacks. His advice was I should find a black who had been fortunate to get a room, and hope he was willing to sub-let a corner of his room to me.

3.The highest level of self-deceit, he informed me, was to think that I could use my Kenyan educational qualifications. These, he told me, were as good as toilet paper.

4.Don’t trust any Kenyans. Most Kenyans will make sure you get into problems and get shipped back to Shamakhokho on a one-way ticket. That, he said, was the cardinal rule.

I had three weeks before commencement of classes. During this time, I tried to make contacts and find myself a room. He told me not to bother about attending college. Every other Kenyan I met told me:

Hapa tumekuja kutafuta pesa bro – SIO kusoma. Kama ni masomo, rudi Kenya usome bwana! Hakuna Mkenya anasoma hapakwani wewe ni mjinga wa kutoka wapi uanze kufikiria kusoma? No wonder wasee wa Shamakhokho mnatomba kuku!

I soon got a cleaning job and quit after the first day. I tried collecting bottles but found the competition to be cut-throat. There were just too many bottle collectors. After quitting the cleaning job and the bottle-collecting enterprise, the Kenyan who had taken me in kicked me out for gross insubordination. I had made the unforgivable mistake of going out for a walk without asking for permission!

So I took bags and walked to the nearest train station. I didn't know where to go. Luckily, my ‘primitive’ social Kenyan side was still fresh in me. I tried to talk to people but they made such a diversion as soon as I said ‘Excuse me’, - I thought I must have looked out of place or something. Whenever I saw a fellow African and started approaching, they turned and sped away. Some brave ones sternly looked at my sheepish grin and extended hand and said:

‘Leave me alone o! Or I go put a punch on your nose o!’

Sometimes an African woman chanced by and rubbing my hands with excitement, I would widen my grin and be like:

‘Excuse me sister…’

‘Am NOT your SISTER o! Do you know my moda? I said do you know my MODA? Leave me alone o!’

To cut the long story short – I survived. And I finally got myself a job that I like very much. I did clean a bit as I settled down. But that isn't today's story. Today, I have a question, or rather a wonder: why do we Kenyans in the Diaspora hate each other so? Or did I just fall into the wrong crowd?

After my nightmare was over, in my early days in Europe, sometimes I would call home and my mother would be like,

‘Oh praise be to God Masinde – when did you get out of jail?

Apparently, a fellow caring 'Diasporian' had called ‘a-friend-to-a-cousin-of-an-aunt’ and said I was in jail for statutory rape. Other times, news in Shamakhokho were that I had become a criminal who specialized in mugging ‘illegals’ who couldn’t complain to the police or that I made my money as a homosexual prostitute.

I have talked with many Kenyans living in different parts of the world, and the story isn’t any different. Kenyans in the Diaspora are famous for selling out each other.

If every time you see a newly-arrived Kenyan, anger builds inside and you are like screaming in your mind:

I go put a punch on your nose o!’

think again. There is space for all of us in here. New arrivals don’t mean we’ll have to lose our place, and get shipped back to so that the new arrival can can find space?

Just a few cents from the Son of Shamakhokho.